A look at New Media, the new kind of journalism
For years people knew journalists to wield only the pen. However, as time flew and the world advanced, people witnessed a change. Journalists started using electronic devices. And that was just the beginning of the decline of the pen which was once considered mightier than the sword! As television news came into the picture, reporting just didn’t mean the newspaper anymore.
Yes, it is true that in today’s world, journalism has also entered the “spidery” web of the Internet. This new branch of journalism, called New Media or online journalism, is yet to catch up in India. Countries such as the U.S., U.K. and Canada depend on the web for their supply of everyday news.
With increasing accessibility to the Internet this could soon be the case in our lives too. Having a laptop or mobile-internet would mean that you can be clued into news around the world through these news websites. It will also work well with professionals who don’t have the time to watch the news or read the newspaper. They can just log on to the news websites available on the net and get the latest news. There are also many businesses that depend on the latest news to make important decisions. They cannot wait for the newspaper to come out the next day as that would mean loss. Hence, these companies are increasingly relying on news websites. Not only do the websites provide accurate news, but also news that has just occurred.
In the brave new world of round-the-clock media coverage, internet seems to be on the path to establishing itself as a reliable and massive source of news. A survey done by Netcraft (http://news.netcraft.com/) revealed that as on January 2008, around 1,55,583,825 websites were launched. As a New Media student I was completely fascinated with the medium. As I got into the nitty-gritty I found that writing for New Media is completely different from writing for newspapers and magazines. We were taught techniques such as keeping the English simple, keeping paragraphs short and sweet, adding related links and adding background information to all the articles so that the readers do not go to other websites to look for them.
My course not only taught me the difference between presenting a news item in a newspaper and on the internet, the hands-on experience of working with my college website taught me a lot about deadlines. In the world of the internet, where the next website is just a click away, I learnt that deadlines can be crucial.
New Media or web journalism is an exciting job where you are constantly at war with time. The fact that your news reaches your readers in the flash of a second, at the click of a mouse, much before other forms of media, is one of the most rewarding aspects of working as a web journalist.
Thursday, April 24, 2008
Profile: Morgan Tsvangirai
The elections in Zimbabwe have been in the news for quite sometime now. Although the Presidential results haven’t been declared as yet, the official election results state that the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party has won 99 seats out of the 210 seats. President Mugabe’s party Zanu-PF won only 97 seats. This is the first time since Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980 that Robert Mugabe’s party has lost its parliamentary majority. Amidst all this chaos, Morgan Tsvangirai is emerging as a credible challenger to President Mugabe.
Born on March 10, 1952, Morgan Tsvangirai has risen from being a worker in a mine to becoming one of the most important political figures in Zimbabwe. He has held the positions of a trade unionist, human rights activist before he became the President of the mainstream MDC in 1999, the main opposition party in Zimbabwe.
Tsvangirai, a product of important social movements in Zimbabwe, which include the labour and constitutional reform movements, was also the former Secretary General of the powerful Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). He was also the the founding chairperson of the National Constitutional Assembly, a group that advocates for a new constitution for Zimbabwe.
The eldest of nine children, Tsvangirai left school while a teenager to help support his family. The catalyst for Tsvangirai's transformation was his career in the trade unions Tsvangirai became the branch chairman of the Associated Mine Workers Union and was later elected into the executive of the National Mine Workers Union. In 1989 he became the Secretary-General of the ZCTU, the umbrella trade union organization in the country.
As Zimbabwe's economy declined and workers' living standards plummeted, the ZCTU took an increasingly political role.
When Mugabe tried to raise income tax to pay pensions for veterans of the 1970’s war of independence, ZCTU’s nationwide strike had forced him to back down.
It was Tsvangirai who led the ZCTU away from its alliance with the ruling Zanu PF. As his power and that of the movement grew, his relationship with the government deteriorated. He has also been a victim of premeditated and government-inspired harassment and violence. There have been three assassination attempts, which include the 1997 attempt, where unknown assailants burst into his tenth story office and tried to throw him out of the window.
As reported in BBC, on September 2000, he told a rally of his MDC, "If Mugabe does not go peacefully, he will be removed by force." The 52-year-old eldest son of a bricklayer says this was not a threat of armed rebellion but a warning of popular discontent. Soon after the rally, he was arrested on charges of threatening the president. The charges were later on dismissed.
Again, in the 2003, he was arrested on charges for inciting violence. In March 2007, he was arrested for the third time. This time he was put in prison and was tortured badly. "He was in bad shape, he was swollen very badly. He was bandaged on the head. You couldn't distinguish between the head and the face and he could not see properly," said Chagonda, an attorney, to Reuters after visiting the Harare police station where Tsvangirai was being held.
Morgan Tsvangirai is the figurehead for all the disparate groups opposed to Mugabe: unemployed and low-wage black workers; wealthy white farmers and industrialists and ethnic Ndebeles who remember the government's murderous campaign against them in the early 1980s. Mugabe calls Tsvangirai an "ignoramus" because of his humble background and lack of education. But, with the election results, it seems as if the “ignoramus” will bring an end to the Mugabe’s 28-year-old rule.
Born on March 10, 1952, Morgan Tsvangirai has risen from being a worker in a mine to becoming one of the most important political figures in Zimbabwe. He has held the positions of a trade unionist, human rights activist before he became the President of the mainstream MDC in 1999, the main opposition party in Zimbabwe.
Tsvangirai, a product of important social movements in Zimbabwe, which include the labour and constitutional reform movements, was also the former Secretary General of the powerful Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). He was also the the founding chairperson of the National Constitutional Assembly, a group that advocates for a new constitution for Zimbabwe.
The eldest of nine children, Tsvangirai left school while a teenager to help support his family. The catalyst for Tsvangirai's transformation was his career in the trade unions Tsvangirai became the branch chairman of the Associated Mine Workers Union and was later elected into the executive of the National Mine Workers Union. In 1989 he became the Secretary-General of the ZCTU, the umbrella trade union organization in the country.
As Zimbabwe's economy declined and workers' living standards plummeted, the ZCTU took an increasingly political role.
When Mugabe tried to raise income tax to pay pensions for veterans of the 1970’s war of independence, ZCTU’s nationwide strike had forced him to back down.
It was Tsvangirai who led the ZCTU away from its alliance with the ruling Zanu PF. As his power and that of the movement grew, his relationship with the government deteriorated. He has also been a victim of premeditated and government-inspired harassment and violence. There have been three assassination attempts, which include the 1997 attempt, where unknown assailants burst into his tenth story office and tried to throw him out of the window.
As reported in BBC, on September 2000, he told a rally of his MDC, "If Mugabe does not go peacefully, he will be removed by force." The 52-year-old eldest son of a bricklayer says this was not a threat of armed rebellion but a warning of popular discontent. Soon after the rally, he was arrested on charges of threatening the president. The charges were later on dismissed.
Again, in the 2003, he was arrested on charges for inciting violence. In March 2007, he was arrested for the third time. This time he was put in prison and was tortured badly. "He was in bad shape, he was swollen very badly. He was bandaged on the head. You couldn't distinguish between the head and the face and he could not see properly," said Chagonda, an attorney, to Reuters after visiting the Harare police station where Tsvangirai was being held.
Morgan Tsvangirai is the figurehead for all the disparate groups opposed to Mugabe: unemployed and low-wage black workers; wealthy white farmers and industrialists and ethnic Ndebeles who remember the government's murderous campaign against them in the early 1980s. Mugabe calls Tsvangirai an "ignoramus" because of his humble background and lack of education. But, with the election results, it seems as if the “ignoramus” will bring an end to the Mugabe’s 28-year-old rule.
Pakistan's New Prime Minister
With the election of the new Prime Minister Makhdoom Syed Yousuf Raza Gillani, Pakistan who was under a military rule till now, will soon move into a new era of Democracy.
Makhdoom Syed Yousuf Raza Gillani, a loyalist of Bhutto, has been elected the 25th Prime Minister of Pakistan. He received 264 votes against 42 to the pro-Musharraf PML Q's Chaudhary Pervaiz Elahi.
Born on the 9th June 1952, Syed Yousuf Raza Gillani belongs to one of the most influential political families of Pakistan. Anti-establishment politics and leadership is almost seen as something as a birth right for him.
The Gillani family is one of the most prominent political families in Pakistan. They were once one of the most important landowners and spiritual leaders in the south of the province. The prominence of the family only led to them vying for political power.
Gillani’s grandfather and other family members were active participants in the All India Muslim league and were signatories of the 1940 Pakistan resolution. This was the declaration that eventually led to partition. His father, Alamdar Hussain Gillani also served as a provincial minister in the 1950s.
Syed Yousuf Raza Gillani officially joined politics in 1978, when he became a member of the Muslim League's central leadership. This was soon after he had completed his MA in journalism from the University of Punjab.
His first term as a public servant was as a nominee of General Zia-ul-Haq. In 1983, he was elected as the chairman of the Multan Union Council and two years later he was elected to the federal parliament and was made the Minister of Housing and Railways. It was during this stint that certain circumstances arose which led to his leaving the League. While serving as a minister he had a fall out with the then Prime Minister Mohammad Ali Junejo, which eventually led to him being replaced as minister and sidelined from the party.
He was also elected as the chairman of the District Council of Multan. In 1988 elections, he defeated the then Punjab chief minister Nawaz Sharif on PPP ticket. In 1990, again on a PPP ticket, he was elected as a MNA after defeating Makhdoom Hamid Raza Gilani, a former federal minister. In 1993, he defeated Malik Sikander Hayat Bosan and later became Speaker of the National Assembly. He served as the speaker of the Pakistan National Assembly between 1993- 1996.
He had also contested the election in 1997 on a PPP ticket; however, he had lost the election and did not even win a single seat. He could not contest elections in 2002. In 2008 he defeated PML-Q’s Sikander Hayat Bosan.
In 1995, Mr Gillani issued instructions for the release of parliamentarians detained by his own PPP government. When the interior ministry refused to oblige, he had the matter brought on record - a quite unprecedented action.
The regime tried to coerce him into joining many of his Pakistan People's Party (PPP) colleagues in switching sides.
But Gillani refused to do a deal with Musharraf and his loyalty is much admired within his party.
He was sent to jail in 2001 and he served five years following a conviction over illegal government appointments. After being sentenced by the Musharraf regime in 2001, he told reporters that the charges were “concocted and were fabricated to pressurise him to leave the PPP… Since I am unable to oblige them, they decided to convict me so that I could be disqualified and an example set for other political leaders who may learn to behave as good boys.” Reportedly, his stance and defiance won him many admirers, even among the government. He was finally released on 7th October 2006 from Adiala Jail.
At first, Gillani was not a part of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP). But, after he was sent to jail he had decided to join PPP. In his book Chah-e-Yusuf ki Sada (Reflections from Yusuf’s Well), which he had written in jail, he said, “I was furious, and helpless at the same time, I knew I could not continue… and then I made up my mind.”
During that time, General Zia was still in power and the PPP faced an uncertain future.
According to a report in BBC, Gillani said that he had gone to Karachi to meet Benazir Bhutto, Zulfiqar Bhutto’s daughter, then very much in the political wilderness. Gillani said that he had presented his offer to immediately join the PPP to her. “Ms Bhutto said to me, ‘There is nothing I can offer you, why have you come?’” Gillani then said that his reply was what sealed his relationship with the PPP and the Bhuttos. “I said to her, there are three types of people in this world. “Lovers of honour, of wisdom and of wealth. I am of the first type, and that is all I want.” Soon afterward, General Zia dismissed Mr Junejo’s government. Gillani then had already joined the PPP, months before the general’s death bought an end to its political exile.
Many believe that it is Gillani’s loyalty and his disdain for politicking within the party that has earned him the nomination for prime minister. Moreover, many also believe that he would gladly step aside if Benazir Bhutto’s widower Asif Zardari becomes a MP and therefore would be eligible to become prime minister.
"[Mr Gillani] was perhaps the only man among the top leadership who did not badger Zardari for this or any other position," says one PPP insider (as per the BBC report). "This along with the fact of his proven loyalty has earned him the nod. "They know that this more or less guarantees he will abide by all future party decisions over changes in government,” said the insider to BBC.
Monday, January 28, 2008
The End of a Monarchy
The hereditary monarchy of Bhutan will soon see an end to its regime as Bhutan slowly moves towards a democratic state. Until the 1600, Bhutan mainly consisted of many warring tribes and fiefdoms. However, after the year 1616, Bhutan was unified and made into a state by a Tibetan Lama and military leader, Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal.
Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal is often considered as the first ruler of Bhutan. He had arrived in Bhutan after escaping political foes in Tibet and then initiated a program of fortification and military consolidation in Bhutan. As an insightful leader, he used cultural symbols as well as military force to establish a national identity in Bhutan, including the initiation of a number of sacred dances to be performed in the annual tsechu festivals. He oversaw the construction of impressive dzongs or fortresses such as the Simtokha Dzong, which guards the entrance to Thimpu Valley.
Shabdrung ruled for 35 years and also had established the dual system of government. The dual government system is the system in which the control of the country is shared between a spiritual leader (the Je Khempo) and an administrative leader (the Desi Druk). He had also codified the laws for the country. The laws were mainly based on medieval theocratic principles of Tsa-Yig. The successive ‘Dharma Rajas’ pr Shabdrungs were the incarnations of the Shabdrung whereas the post of the Deb Raja was like that of the Prime Minister. In course of time, the Dharma Rajas preferring religious matters withdrew themselves into seclusion while the Deb Rajas consolidated their authority exercising sole responsibility over the secular affairs. After his death, the reincarnations of the Shabdrung became the Dharma Raja of Bhutan.
The years 1870’s to 1880’s was marked with civil war between the Paro and Trongsa valleys in Bhutan. This civil war had eroded the power of the Shabdrungs. However, in the year 1885 the Penlop of Trongsa, Ugyen Wangchuck gained an upper hand over the rival forces and tried to cultivate ties with British in India.
The dual form of government that Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal had founded continued till the birth of the Wangchuck dynasty. With the help of the British, Ugyen Wangchuck managed to establish hereditary monarchy into Bhutan. Thus, on 17th December 1907, Ugyen Wangchuck became the first hereditary king of Bhutan.
King Ugyen Wangchuck was a wise and able ruler. He introduced the system of western education to Bhutan. In the year 1910, he signed a new Anglo-Bhutanese Treaty with British India Raj. Under this treaty Bhutan became a protectorate of Bhutan.
After the death of King Ugyen Wangchuck, his eldest son Jigme Wangchuck became the King of Bhutan. During his reign, Bhutan started to forsake its self-imposed isolation. In 1947, Bhutan participated in the Asian relations Conference in New Delhi, India. The Treaty of perpetual peace and friendship between the government of Independent India and Bhutan was signed in Darjeeling, on 08 August 1949. This Treaty governs the modern day Indo-Bhutan relations. Bhutan agreed to be guided by the advice of India in regard to its foreign relations, according to this Treaty.
King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck ascended to throne as the third hereditary king in 1952. Under his rule Bhutan adopted a policy of gradual exposure to the outside world and was recognized by The United Nations as a sovereign country in the year 1971.
During his rule, King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck tried to promote the elimination of the absolute power in Bhutan. Beginning in the year 1968 till his death in 1972, King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck had ended his veto power over the national assembly. After his death, his son the fourth hereditary King Jigme Sinye Wangchuck ascended to the throne. After the death of the Third hereditary King of Bhutan, the National Assembly gave back the power to King Jigme Sinye Wangchuck. However, he continued with his father’s policy of limited government and in the year 1998, convinced the National Assembly to formally end the absolute veto power of the king, arguing that it was better for the future of the country.
In December 2005, the Jigme Singye Wangchuck announced that he would abdicate in 2008 to coincide with the first national election and introduction of Bhutan's new constitution. a year later, he announced his immediate abdication with the intention to prepare the young king Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuchk for the country’s transformation to a full fleged democratic form of government. The previous King's abdication in favour of his son was originally set to occur in 2008 as well, but there was an apparent concern that the new King should have hands-on experience as the nation's leader before presiding over a transformation in the country's form of government.
The fourth Druk Gyalpo further "explained that Bhutan could not hope for a better time for such an important transition. Today, the country enjoys peace and stability, and its security and sovereignty is ensured. After phenomenal development and progress, the country is closer than ever to the goal of economic self reliance. Bhutan’s relations with its closest neighbour and friend, India, has reached new heights. International organisations and bilateral development partners are ready to support Bhutan’s development efforts and political transformation."
Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal is often considered as the first ruler of Bhutan. He had arrived in Bhutan after escaping political foes in Tibet and then initiated a program of fortification and military consolidation in Bhutan. As an insightful leader, he used cultural symbols as well as military force to establish a national identity in Bhutan, including the initiation of a number of sacred dances to be performed in the annual tsechu festivals. He oversaw the construction of impressive dzongs or fortresses such as the Simtokha Dzong, which guards the entrance to Thimpu Valley.
Shabdrung ruled for 35 years and also had established the dual system of government. The dual government system is the system in which the control of the country is shared between a spiritual leader (the Je Khempo) and an administrative leader (the Desi Druk). He had also codified the laws for the country. The laws were mainly based on medieval theocratic principles of Tsa-Yig. The successive ‘Dharma Rajas’ pr Shabdrungs were the incarnations of the Shabdrung whereas the post of the Deb Raja was like that of the Prime Minister. In course of time, the Dharma Rajas preferring religious matters withdrew themselves into seclusion while the Deb Rajas consolidated their authority exercising sole responsibility over the secular affairs. After his death, the reincarnations of the Shabdrung became the Dharma Raja of Bhutan.
The years 1870’s to 1880’s was marked with civil war between the Paro and Trongsa valleys in Bhutan. This civil war had eroded the power of the Shabdrungs. However, in the year 1885 the Penlop of Trongsa, Ugyen Wangchuck gained an upper hand over the rival forces and tried to cultivate ties with British in India.
The dual form of government that Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal had founded continued till the birth of the Wangchuck dynasty. With the help of the British, Ugyen Wangchuck managed to establish hereditary monarchy into Bhutan. Thus, on 17th December 1907, Ugyen Wangchuck became the first hereditary king of Bhutan.
King Ugyen Wangchuck was a wise and able ruler. He introduced the system of western education to Bhutan. In the year 1910, he signed a new Anglo-Bhutanese Treaty with British India Raj. Under this treaty Bhutan became a protectorate of Bhutan.
After the death of King Ugyen Wangchuck, his eldest son Jigme Wangchuck became the King of Bhutan. During his reign, Bhutan started to forsake its self-imposed isolation. In 1947, Bhutan participated in the Asian relations Conference in New Delhi, India. The Treaty of perpetual peace and friendship between the government of Independent India and Bhutan was signed in Darjeeling, on 08 August 1949. This Treaty governs the modern day Indo-Bhutan relations. Bhutan agreed to be guided by the advice of India in regard to its foreign relations, according to this Treaty.
King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck ascended to throne as the third hereditary king in 1952. Under his rule Bhutan adopted a policy of gradual exposure to the outside world and was recognized by The United Nations as a sovereign country in the year 1971.
During his rule, King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck tried to promote the elimination of the absolute power in Bhutan. Beginning in the year 1968 till his death in 1972, King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck had ended his veto power over the national assembly. After his death, his son the fourth hereditary King Jigme Sinye Wangchuck ascended to the throne. After the death of the Third hereditary King of Bhutan, the National Assembly gave back the power to King Jigme Sinye Wangchuck. However, he continued with his father’s policy of limited government and in the year 1998, convinced the National Assembly to formally end the absolute veto power of the king, arguing that it was better for the future of the country.
In December 2005, the Jigme Singye Wangchuck announced that he would abdicate in 2008 to coincide with the first national election and introduction of Bhutan's new constitution. a year later, he announced his immediate abdication with the intention to prepare the young king Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuchk for the country’s transformation to a full fleged democratic form of government. The previous King's abdication in favour of his son was originally set to occur in 2008 as well, but there was an apparent concern that the new King should have hands-on experience as the nation's leader before presiding over a transformation in the country's form of government.
The fourth Druk Gyalpo further "explained that Bhutan could not hope for a better time for such an important transition. Today, the country enjoys peace and stability, and its security and sovereignty is ensured. After phenomenal development and progress, the country is closer than ever to the goal of economic self reliance. Bhutan’s relations with its closest neighbour and friend, India, has reached new heights. International organisations and bilateral development partners are ready to support Bhutan’s development efforts and political transformation."
Sunday, January 20, 2008
The Israel and Palestine war
Many events before and after the World War has been dictated by the Israeli and the Palestinian crisis. The crisis mainly started when the Zionist Jews expressed their desire for a separate state and it took shape in the year 1917, when the British had occupied Palestine and passed the Balfour Declaration. This declaration stated that a separate state would be carved out of Palestine and made in to Israel. In the year 1947, Israel was created out of Palestine with the help of the British government. However, Neither, Palestine nor the Arab states recognized Israel as a separate country.
In the bid to de-recognize Israel, Egypt backed by Syria and Jordan launched a war against Israel. This war was called the “Six-Day war”. But, in this war Israel emerged victorious and occupied the territories Sinai Peninsula of Egypt, Golan Heights of Syria and certain parts of Jordan. Israel also occupied the half the city of Jerusalem during this war. Unable to bear the defeat, Egypt again launched another war against Israel in the year 1973. This was called the “Yom-Kitpur” or the “Ramadan War”. Egypt was able to win back her territories but lost them again to Israel within ten days of the war.
After the war, Egypt then entered into an agreement with Israel where they decided to resolve the matter peacefully. In this agreement Egypt wanted Israel to retract from the occupied areas and to take back the Palestinian refugees.
The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), which was formed before Israel had occupied any lands in the “Six-Day War”, was formed with main tenet to complete the non-reorganization of Israel. In the year 1988, Yasser Arafat (who was the leader of PLO) recognized Israel’s right for existence and hence, helped to enable negotiations between Israel and PLO. This step led to the formation of the “Oslo Accord” in 1993, for which Yasser Arafat had received the Nobel Peace Award. This accord was carried forward in Camp David where Israel to return some parts of the Sinai Peninsula and Golan Heights.
However, the Oslo accord faced a lot of opposition in Palestine and could not take off as it mainly remained in the form of paper work. The United Nations got together with Russia, U.K and the U.S.A and took the initiative to bring peace between these two countries. This step was called the “Roadmap to Peace”. But even this initiative failed. Israel decided to move out of the Gaza strip in the year 2004, however, there was no substantial gain as geographically Gaza strip remained within Israel. In the year 2004, Yasser Arafat passed away leading to an irreparable split within the PLO (Fatah). This split led to the emergence of the non-secular group called the Hamas. Both, these groups had complete different viewpoints. The Palestinian political front further weakened when Mohammed Abbas became the president of Palestine (he was the leader of Fatah). Thus, Palestine was in a strange condition where her Government was Hamas and her President was Fatah. A strife is still continues within these two countries and both the countries still do not show any movement towards a peaceful relation.
In the bid to de-recognize Israel, Egypt backed by Syria and Jordan launched a war against Israel. This war was called the “Six-Day war”. But, in this war Israel emerged victorious and occupied the territories Sinai Peninsula of Egypt, Golan Heights of Syria and certain parts of Jordan. Israel also occupied the half the city of Jerusalem during this war. Unable to bear the defeat, Egypt again launched another war against Israel in the year 1973. This was called the “Yom-Kitpur” or the “Ramadan War”. Egypt was able to win back her territories but lost them again to Israel within ten days of the war.
After the war, Egypt then entered into an agreement with Israel where they decided to resolve the matter peacefully. In this agreement Egypt wanted Israel to retract from the occupied areas and to take back the Palestinian refugees.
The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), which was formed before Israel had occupied any lands in the “Six-Day War”, was formed with main tenet to complete the non-reorganization of Israel. In the year 1988, Yasser Arafat (who was the leader of PLO) recognized Israel’s right for existence and hence, helped to enable negotiations between Israel and PLO. This step led to the formation of the “Oslo Accord” in 1993, for which Yasser Arafat had received the Nobel Peace Award. This accord was carried forward in Camp David where Israel to return some parts of the Sinai Peninsula and Golan Heights.
However, the Oslo accord faced a lot of opposition in Palestine and could not take off as it mainly remained in the form of paper work. The United Nations got together with Russia, U.K and the U.S.A and took the initiative to bring peace between these two countries. This step was called the “Roadmap to Peace”. But even this initiative failed. Israel decided to move out of the Gaza strip in the year 2004, however, there was no substantial gain as geographically Gaza strip remained within Israel. In the year 2004, Yasser Arafat passed away leading to an irreparable split within the PLO (Fatah). This split led to the emergence of the non-secular group called the Hamas. Both, these groups had complete different viewpoints. The Palestinian political front further weakened when Mohammed Abbas became the president of Palestine (he was the leader of Fatah). Thus, Palestine was in a strange condition where her Government was Hamas and her President was Fatah. A strife is still continues within these two countries and both the countries still do not show any movement towards a peaceful relation.
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